Abstract
Between 2017 and 2021 the European Union has transformed Chinese FDI from an economic means into a security threat. Yet very few scholars interrogated how the nexus between Chinese FDI, and security emerged in Europe. This chapter seeks to answer the question of how have actors and stakeholders transformed Chinese FDI from a purely economic matter into a security issue. The working hypothesis argues that if views of Chinese FDI as a threat emerge, then they induce the transformation of FDI from an economic to a security issue, and the evolution of the debate and policymaking in the EU confirms the hypothesis. The chapter demonstrates that security considerations related to traditional security were not the only reasons driving the process, economic considerations too played a central role in the securitisation process. Therefore, this chapters’ contribution is foremost empirical. Empirically, firstly, it sheds light on the dynamics of the process that led Chinese FDI to becoming a security issue in Europe and clarifies the drivers of such a shift as not exclusively related to traditional security but also to economic considerations. Secondly, it reveals a trend of increasing interconnection between security and economy in Europe.
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Notes
- 1.
In May 2021, the European Parliament adopted a resolution where it formally freezes the process of ratification of the CAI in reaction to the exchange of sanctions between the EU and China, which saw targeted five Members of the European Parliament as well as the subcommittee on Human Rights. European Parliament, ‘MEPs Refuse Any Agreement with China Whilst Sanctions Are in Place’, 20 May 2021, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/press-room/20210517IPR04123/meps-refuse-any-agreement-with-china-whilst-sanctions-are-in-place.
- 2.
- 3.
Overholt (2010), pp. 21–34.
- 4.
Interview EU September 2020.
- 5.
Interview EU January 2019d, gi; EU September 2019; EU September 2020.
- 6.
Godement and Vasselier (2017), pp. 1–127. Interview EU September 2019; EU January 2020; EU May 2020a, b; EU September 2020; EU December 2020; EU May 2021a.
- 7.
Interview EU January 2019a; EU December 2020; EU May 2021b.
- 8.
Interviews EU January 2019a, b, c, d, f, gi; EU December 2020; EU May 2021a, b.
- 9.
Interviews EU September 2019; EU September 2020; EU May 2021b; IT September 2020b.
- 10.
Interview EU January 2019a, b, c, d, e, f, gi, May 2020a, b, October 2020; Breslin (2021), pp. 148–154.
- 11.
Interview EU January 2019a, b, EU September 2019, EU May 2020b, EU September 2020.
- 12.
Trilateral negotiations occur between the European Commission, the Council of the EU and the European Parliament.
- 13.
It must be noted how of the three senders, Germany was the one who advocated a rigid adherence to the concept of security. To this day, the German regulation in matter of FDI screening rigidly limits the power to block investments to the security realm, which includes dual-use technology. France and Italy, on the contrary, were both more flexible in including matters related to competition. Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Climate Action. “Foreign Trade and Investment Law”, 2021. https://www.bmwi.de/Redaktion/EN/Artikel/Foreign-Trade/investment-screening.html.
- 14.
The general EU legal principle of sincere cooperation intervenes to require member states to act in good faith when considering the opinions. It can be viewed as a ‘soft’ obligation to not reject the Commission and/or other member states’ opinions for no valid reason.
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Ghiretti, F. (2023). Screening FDI in the EU: A Cornerstone of an Economic Security Agenda. In: Hillebrand Pohl, J., Warchol , J., Papadopoulos, T., Wiesenthal, J. (eds) Weaponising Investments. Springer Studies in Law & Geoeconomics, vol 1. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/17280_2023_2
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