- Legitimacy and Authority, History of Political Thought, History Of Political Thought (Political Science), History of concepts, European Union citizenship (Political Science), European Convention of Human Rights, and 45 moreConstitutional Law, Liberalism, Philosophy Of Law, Law and Politics, Global Justice, Normative Ethics, Citizenship (Political Science), Philosophy Of Freedom, Political Philosophy, European Union Law, Republicanism, Cosmopolitanism, Historical Theory, Democratic Theory, Leadership, Jurisprudence, Ethics, Italian (European History), Social Philosophy (Philosophy), Ethic Codes, Public Ethics, Political Theory, European Union, Social Contract Theory, Applied Philosophy, Philosophy of History, History of Democracy, Applied Ethics, Constitutional Theory, European Constitutionalism, Hegel, Marxist theory, Liberalism and Republicanism, Contemporary Liberalism, Republicanismo, Antonio Gramsci, Gramsci, European Studies, European integration, Sovereignty, European Politics, Democracy, European Union Politics, Theories of Sovereignty, and State sovereigntyedit
- Richard Bellamy is Professor of Political Science at University College, London (UCL). Richard was educated at the... moreRichard Bellamy is Professor of Political Science at University College, London (UCL).
Richard was educated at the University of Cambridge and the European University Institute in Florence. After three years as a Post-Doctoral Research Fellow at Nuffield College, Oxford he went on to lectureships at Cambridge and Edinburgh and then to Chairs at the Universities of East Anglia, Reading, Essex and UCL. At UCL he was the founding Head of the new Department of Political Science and Director of the School of Public Policy from 2005- 2010 and of UCL’s European Institute, which he established, from 2010-2013.
Richard has held Visiting Fellowships at Nuffield College, Oxford; the EUI in Florence; Australia National University (ANU); the Centre for Advanced Study (CAS) in Oslo; and the Hanse Wissenschaft-Kolleg in Delmenhorst. From 2014-2019 he was Director of the Max Weber Programme at the EUI in Florence. He has been a Visiting Professor at the University of Exeter, at the EUI and at the Hertie School in Berlin, where he is now a Senior Fellow.
Richard has been a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts (FRSA) since 2002 and was elected a Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences (FAcSS) in 2008, of the British Academy (FBA) in 2022, and to a Member of the Academia Europaea (MAE) in 2024. He was awarded the Spitz prize for Political Constitutionalism in 2009 and the British Academy's Serena Medal for ‘eminent services towards the furtherance of the study of Italian history, literature, art and economics’ in 2012.
Richard was Academic Director of the European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR) from 2002-2006 and Founding Chair of the Britain and Ireland Association for Political Thought from 2008-2013. He was a member of the 2014 REF Panel for Politics and International Relations.
Richard is on the editorial board of the British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Modern Italy, Res Publica: A Journal of Legal and Social Philosophy, The European Legacy: Towards New Paradigms, and Global Constitutionalism. He was an associate editor of the European Political Science Review and the European Journal of Political Theory and on the editorial boards of European Political Science, Government and Opposition, Modern Intellectual History, and the Journal of Modern Italian Studies. He co-edits the journal CRISPP (Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy).
http://www.tandfonline.com/toc/fcri20/current
Richard’s main research interests are in European Social and Political Theory post-1750, Contemporary Analytical Legal and Political Philosophy, Public Ethics, and the application of normative theory to the understanding of citizenship, democracy and constitutionalism in modern societies. Richard was the recipient of a Leverhulme Research Fellowship for 2012-2014 for a book project on `A Republic of European States: Cosmopolitanism, Intergovernmentalism and Democracy in the EU’, which has now been published by Cambridge University Press.
He has written 11 monographs to date, edited or co-edited a further 25 volumes and is the author of over a 100 journal articles and book chapters. He has also edited scholarly editions of works by Beccaria, Bobbio and Gramsci. His publications have been translated into several languages, including Arabic, Chinese, Czech, French, German, Indonesian, Italian, Japanese, Portuguese, Spanish and Turkish.
He is currently working on a book on the Democratic Constitution for Oxford University Press and a study of Political Leadership provisionally titled The Democratic Prince. He is also co-editing the Cambridge Handbook of Constitutional Theory with Jeff King of UCL, and the Cambridge Dictionary of Political Thought with Terry Ball of ASU.edit
This chapter is the Introduction to R Bellamy and J King (eds), The Cambridge Handbook of Constitutional Theory (Cambridge University Press, 2024), Section 1 explores three varieties of constitutional theory: normative, conceptual and... more
This chapter is the Introduction to R Bellamy and J King (eds), The Cambridge Handbook of Constitutional Theory (Cambridge University Press, 2024), Section 1 explores three varieties of constitutional theory: normative, conceptual and positive. Section 2 then offers an account of the basic concept of a constitution, noting how it differs from its various conceptions. This section also defends the analytical structure of this volume into values, modalities and institutions as part of the basic concept of a constitution. Section 3 then turns to constitutional norms, both written and unwritten, and their role within even a codified constitution. Finally, section 4 looks at the variety of constitutionalisms as a product of the essential contestability of the values, modalities and institutions of any conception of the constitution, be that conception theorised normatively, conceptually or positively (or draw on elements of all three approaches). This diversity is exemplified by the contrasting views of the contributors to this volume.
Research Interests: Constitutional Law, Comparative Politics, Political Philosophy, Political Theory, Political Science, and 10 moreLegal Theory, Comparative Public Law, Comparative Constitutional Law, Legal Philosophy, Constitutional Theory, Social and Political Philosophy, Constitutionalism, Constitutional Politics, Public Law, and Constitutional Law Theory
This is an attempt at a brief (its for a handbook) history of the UK political constitution. Comments welcome ....
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Criticisms of political constitutionalism's relationship to populism point in two opposed directions. Legal constitutionalists consider it too open to, and even as legitimating, populist politics. Radical democrats consider it too closed... more
Criticisms of political constitutionalism's relationship to populism point in two opposed directions. Legal constitutionalists consider it too open to, and even as legitimating, populist politics. Radical democrats consider it too closed to popular participation, prompting an anti-system politics of a populist character. I dispute both these views. Underlying these contrasting assessments are differing conceptions of populism and constitutionalism. This article distinguishes right from left wing populism, and limited from non-arbitrary government as constitutional ideals. Legal constitutionalism typically embraces the first ideal. However, that can be a driver of both right-and left-wing populism, and allow types of arbitrary rule that democratic backsliding and illiberal regimes can (and do) exploit. By contrast, political constitutionalism involves the second ideal and is antithetical to right-wing populism while potentially friendly to the legitimate demands of left-wing populism. Nevertheless, the reality of political constitutionalism in the UK (and elsewhere) often falls short of its theoretical potential. Addressing these shortcomings, though, requires strengthening democracy rather than the legal constitution, not least through electoral reform.
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Pluralist accounts are offered as liberal or radical alternatives to Marxism. They are based on the idea that society itself is pluralist: with respect to its differentiated functions, interests and values, and ± in the most recent... more
Pluralist accounts are offered as liberal or radical alternatives to Marxism. They are based on the idea that society itself is pluralist: with respect to its differentiated functions, interests and values, and ± in the most recent versions of pluralism ± radically different perspectives and identities. While earlier pluralists saw differences as negotiable and commensurable, ultimately assuming common ground between conflicting groups, recent philosophical pluralists see conflicts as potentially irresolvable: values are incommensurable so there is no single reasonable choice between them. As Bellamy points out, a radical democratic pluralism must find ways of negotiating or fairly resolving such conflicts. For elitists this problem does not arise since they are convinced that society is, and must be, ruled by an elite. Pluralism and elitism are combined in the work of Weber who argued that the democratic government of complex, modern societies was only possible where it consisted of competition between the elites of political parties. At the end of the chapter Bellamy asks whether this pessimistic view is really justified: are ordinary people incapable of making the difficult decisions required in pluralist societies?
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The origins and concerns of the political ideas of the German philosopher G.W.F. Hegel (1770–1831) are traditionally thought to be religious rather than economic. However, a preoccupation with issues of political economy is present in his... more
The origins and concerns of the political ideas of the German philosopher G.W.F. Hegel (1770–1831) are traditionally thought to be religious rather than economic. However, a preoccupation with issues of political economy is present in his earliest theological writings and lies at the centre of his wider philosophical project (Hegel 1793–1800). Broadly speaking, Hegel wished to construct an ethical theory appropriate for the specific problems of the modern world. He believed ancient and medieval societies had been bound together by a communal code of behaviour, with social roles mirroring a putative natural or divine order. The harmony of the natural macrocosm and the social microcosm had been sundered in modern societies by a growing awareness of individuality on the part of their members. Hegel traced this development to two sources: the primacy accorded to the individual conscience within Christianity, especially the Lutheranism he personally espoused, and the individualism encouraged by the capitalist mode of production. Contrary to recent influential critics (e.g. Popper 1945), Hegel did not wish to stifle individual liberty by returning to the organic community theorized by Plato. Instead, he sought to describe the conditions necessary for the freedom of each person to be compatible with the freedom of all.
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This chapter focuses not on the possible content of a Bill of Rights, such as whether it should contain social and economic rights or only civil and political rights, but on the form any such Bill needs to take to be legitimate in a... more
This chapter focuses not on the possible content of a Bill of Rights, such as whether it should contain social and economic rights or only civil and political rights, but on the form any such Bill needs to take to be legitimate in a manner congruent with the moral norms of equal concern and respect underlying both rights and democracy. It explores four conceptions of Bills of Rights and the different ways they relate to democratic theory and practice. I start with the view of a Bill of Rights as distinct from normal legislation and that is ultimately the responsibility of the courts to defend. I distinguish between substantive and procedural accounts, in which the first focuses on upholding the rights necessary to ensure the outputs of democratic decisions reflect democratic norms whereas the second seeks to uphold the rights required for a due democratic process. I then turn to legislated rights and the role of Parliamentary Bills of Rights. Finally, I examine the role of democratic constitutional politics as a means for justifying and legitimising such rights instruments, be they upheld by legislatures or courts.
Research Interests: Jurisprudence, Political Philosophy, Human Rights, Democratic Theory, Judicial review, and 9 moreDemocracy, Constitutionalism, Legal Philosophy (Philosophy), Bills of Rights, Legal and Political Philosophy, Constitutional Courts, Parliamentary Sovereignty, Legal Theory and Jurisprudence, and Constitutional Law Theory
ABSTRACT EU institutions are best conceived as representing the peoples of Europe - a contention set out in the first, introductory, section and developed over the next five sections. The second section establishes how democratic... more
ABSTRACT EU institutions are best conceived as representing the peoples of Europe - a contention set out in the first, introductory, section and developed over the next five sections. The second section establishes how democratic legitimacy involves governments being representative of a people and specifies the characteristics a people need to possess for such representation to be possible. Though no EU demos exists with these features, the third section shows how in an increasingly interconnected world, governments have incentives to form associations of democratic peoples via a process of republican intergovernmentalism. Such associations guard against the domination of one people by another by preserving the capacity of the associated peoples for representative democracy. They constitute a form of demoi-cracy. The fourth section describes how the EU’s system of representation corresponds to such an association and facilitates mutual respect and fair terms of cooperation between the peoples of Europe. However, as the fifth section indicates, moves away from such a union of peoples towards greater political unity involve an inevitable loss of representativeness and democratic legitimacy. The sixth and concluding section argues the euro crisis results from attempting such a move. Current efforts to resolve the crisis through yet further integration compound economic with political failure by circumventing the EU’s associational decision-making mechanisms. The only democratically legitimate and non-dominating solutions will be those that respect the EU’s fundamentally demoi-cratic character.
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This article defends state sovereignty as necessary for a form of popular sovereignty capable of realising the republican value of non-domination, and argues it remains empirically achievable and normatively warranted in an interconnected... more
This article defends state sovereignty as necessary for a form of popular sovereignty capable of realising the republican value of non-domination, and argues it remains empirically achievable and normatively warranted in an interconnected world. Many scholars, including certain republicans, contend that the external sovereignty of states can no longer be maintained or justified in such circumstances. Consequently, we must abandon the sovereignty of states and reconceive popular sovereignty on a different basis. Some argue sovereignty must be displaced upwards to a more global state, while others advocate it be vertically and horizontally dispersed to units below, across and above the state. Each group offers a related vision of the European Union (EU) to illustrate their proposals. Both these arguments are criticised as more likely to produce than reduce domination because neither can sustain a form of popular sovereignty capable of instantiating relations of non-domination. This article proposes the alternative of a republican association of sovereign states that allows sovereign states and their peoples to mutually regulate their external sovereignty in non-dominating ways. It offers a more plausible and defensible means for sustaining the requisite kind of popular sovereignty in contemporary conditions, and a more appropriate vision of the EU. Union The issue of state sovereignty lies at the heart of many debates about the democratic legitimacy of European integration. On the one hand, critics of the EU frequently
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RÉSUMÉ. — On oppose souvent politique constitutionnelle et politique normale, parce que la première implique des délibérations en matière de principes et débouche sur un consensus normatif, tandis que la seconde se caractérise par un... more
RÉSUMÉ. — On oppose souvent politique constitutionnelle et politique normale, parce que la première implique des délibérations en matière de principes et débouche sur un consensus normatif, tandis que la seconde se caractérise par un marchandage intéressé et aboutit à un compromis. Nous critiquons cette position pour deux raisons. Nous soutenons d’abord que ce que Rawls a appelé les « fardeaux du jugement » signifie que, même sur les questions de principe, il peut exister quantité de points de vue raisonnables, tous n’étant pas totalement compatibles avec les autres. Nous considérons ensuite que le marchandage et les compromis propres à la politique normale subissent bien des attirances normatives et sont souvent fort bien adaptés pour résoudre des désaccords de principe. Nous illustrons notre position par un examen détaillé de la Convention qui a élaboré la Charte européenne des droits fondamentaux.
An obvious question arises given the multiple transformations of the character of citizenship: namely, are there any defining characteristics of citizenship that enable us to identify all these different conceptions as variations on the... more
An obvious question arises given the multiple transformations of the character of citizenship: namely, are there any defining characteristics of citizenship that enable us to identify all these different conceptions as variations on the same basic concept? Or are they all so different that it is misleading to assume that any real continuity underlies the use of the same term to refer to very different phenomena? At least one reason for thinking that looking for some continuity is not entirely misplaced is historical. As John Pocock (1995) noted, within the western political tradition, at least, the writings of ancient Greek and Roman authors on citizenship have been ‘classic’ not simply in deriving from a period often deemed ‘classical’ but in being acknowledged as setting the terms of reference for later theories. To a greater or lesser degree, subsequent theories have conceived themselves as adopting, adapting, adding to, abstracting from and abandoning key features of these classic positions. In what follows, I begin by looking at the classic conceptions and the underlying concept they articulate. I then turn to the ways in which they have been subsequently interpreted and reworked. As I shall note, this historical approach to understanding citizenship combines elements of both the sociological and normative approaches of current theorists.
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Historically, the distinctive core of citizenship has been the possession of the formal status of membership of a political and legal entity and having particular sorts of rights and obligations within it. This core understanding of... more
Historically, the distinctive core of citizenship has been the possession of the formal status of membership of a political and
legal entity and having particular sorts of rights and obligations within it. This core understanding of citizenship goes back to
classical times and coalesced around two broad understandings of citizenship stemming from ancient Greece and Imperial
Rome respectively that later evolved into what came to be termed the ‘republican’ and ‘liberal’ accounts of citizenship. This
article first examines these two classic views, then looks at how they changed during the Renaissance and Reformation, and
finally turns to the ways the two were to some extent brought together following the American and French Revolutions within
the liberal democratic nation-state.
legal entity and having particular sorts of rights and obligations within it. This core understanding of citizenship goes back to
classical times and coalesced around two broad understandings of citizenship stemming from ancient Greece and Imperial
Rome respectively that later evolved into what came to be termed the ‘republican’ and ‘liberal’ accounts of citizenship. This
article first examines these two classic views, then looks at how they changed during the Renaissance and Reformation, and
finally turns to the ways the two were to some extent brought together following the American and French Revolutions within
the liberal democratic nation-state.
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This article uses the example of Benedetto Croce to challenge one feature of Zygmunt Bauman's famous distinction between modern legislators and post-modern interpreters — the missing figure of the “modern” interpreter. If Bauman grants... more
This article uses the example of Benedetto Croce to challenge one feature of Zygmunt Bauman's famous distinction between modern legislators and post-modern interpreters — the missing figure of the “modern” interpreter. If Bauman grants that most interpreters are to some degree legislators, he overlooks the whole Hegelian tradition’s attempt at an interpretative defense of modernity that revealed its intrinsic rationality. These modern interpreters prefigured much of the postmodern critique of the Enlightenment’s supposed abstract universalism, but proposed to put in its place not the mere historical contingency of the postmodernist but a concrete universalism that located the rational within the real. As such, they claimed to avoid the legislator’s insensitivity to cultural differences and particular circumstances without falling into the equally problematic historicist relativism of the postmodern interpreter.
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The 18th century Italian philosopher Cesare Beccaria presented a subtle and convincing argument against capital punishment in his influential book 'On Crimes and Punishments,' published in 1764. Beccaria, who combined the idea of a social... more
The 18th century Italian philosopher Cesare Beccaria presented a subtle and convincing argument against capital punishment in his influential book 'On Crimes and Punishments,' published in 1764. Beccaria, who combined the idea of a social contract between state
and populace with utilitarianism, argued that capital punishment was a crude deterrent at best. He also asserted that it could never
have been part of the original social contract because it gives one party, the state, the right to murder the other. He believed that
capital punishment signalled a breakdown in the contract arising from gross social inequities.
Bellamy, Richard. "Crime and punishment." History Review, no. 28, Sept. 1997, pp. 24+. Gale Academic OneFile, link.gale.com/apps/doc/A19805557/AONE?u=ucl_ttda&sid=bookmark-AONE&xid=a50cad8f.
and populace with utilitarianism, argued that capital punishment was a crude deterrent at best. He also asserted that it could never
have been part of the original social contract because it gives one party, the state, the right to murder the other. He believed that
capital punishment signalled a breakdown in the contract arising from gross social inequities.
Bellamy, Richard. "Crime and punishment." History Review, no. 28, Sept. 1997, pp. 24+. Gale Academic OneFile, link.gale.com/apps/doc/A19805557/AONE?u=ucl_ttda&sid=bookmark-AONE&xid=a50cad8f.
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Page 1. NORBERTO BOBBIO FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY Translated by Roger Griffin Edited by Richard Bellamy Page 2. Page 3. The Future of Democracy Thi s One 1RZW-TRQ-UJX2 Page 4. Page 5. NORBERTO BOBBIO The ...
This introduces a special issue on Intellectuals in Italy from the eighteenth to the twentieth century, outlining the individual articles and offering some general reflections on the changing role of the intellectual over this period.
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Although Gramsci’s debt to Croce is well known, most commentators simply accept his criticisms of Croce and his claim to have overcome certain lacunae in the Neapolitan’s thought. This article argues that many of these criticisms misfire,... more
Although Gramsci’s debt to Croce is well known, most commentators simply accept his criticisms of Croce and his claim to have overcome certain lacunae in the Neapolitan’s thought. This article argues that many of these criticisms misfire, and mounts a Crocean critique of Gramsci. Through a comparison of their respective views of
historicism, hegemony and intellectuals, it is argued that the radical democratic and libertarian theory many post-Marxists claim to find in the Sardinian is more appropriately associated with Croce.
historicism, hegemony and intellectuals, it is argued that the radical democratic and libertarian theory many post-Marxists claim to find in the Sardinian is more appropriately associated with Croce.
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... Liberalism and modern society: A historical argument. Post a Comment. CONTRIBUTORS: ... VOLUME/EDITION: PAGES (INTRO/BODY): x, 310 p. SUBJECT(S): Liberalism; History; Europe. DISCIPLINE: No discipline assigned. LC NUMBER: HM276 .B39... more
... Liberalism and modern society: A historical argument. Post a Comment. CONTRIBUTORS: ... VOLUME/EDITION: PAGES (INTRO/BODY): x, 310 p. SUBJECT(S): Liberalism; History; Europe. DISCIPLINE: No discipline assigned. LC NUMBER: HM276 .B39 1992. HTTP: ...
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Review of Dennis Mack Smith Modern Italy Yale University Press
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Review of Dennis Mack Smith, Mazzini, Yale University Press
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Republicanism has had an ambiguous relationship with both democracy and constitutionalism. This chapter explores these relations to argue that a) republicanism is incompatible with a legal consitution and judicial review and b) that is... more
Republicanism has had an ambiguous relationship with both democracy and constitutionalism. This chapter explores these relations to argue that a) republicanism is incompatible with a legal consitution and judicial review and b) that is favours competitive party democracy and majority rule on the grounds that these promote both political equality and a balance of power that guard against domination.
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This chapter offers an analytical framework for studying the evolution of citizenship in Europe during the eighteenth, nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It explores the ways in which the development of citizenship reflects the... more
This chapter offers an analytical framework for studying the evolution of citizenship in Europe during the eighteenth, nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It explores the ways in which the development of citizenship reflects the relations and occasional struggles among different groups of citizens, on the one hand, and between citizens and the state, on the other. Several factors influenced the form these relationships and their attendant conflicts took within each country: the structure of the state and the nature of its political regime, the character of class relations, the existence and the source of any tensions between centre and periphery, the types of ideological and cultural divisions, contingent events such as war, and the available legal and political languages through which the demands of different groups could be expressed.
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This article explores three prominent ways in which constitutional democracy has been conceived, turning in a final section to the constitutive role each of them accords democracy as a source of the constitutional framework within which... more
This article explores three prominent ways in which constitutional democracy has been conceived, turning in a final section to the constitutive role each of them accords democracy as a source of the constitutional framework within which it operates. The analysis is conceptual rather than historical. It develops ideal types that reflect the main positions of key figures in the contemporary debate on constitutional democracy and the practices of established democratic states in Europe, North America, and the Commonwealth. It begins by tracing certain defining features of the two key terms of constitutionalism and democracy, with subsequent sections exploring the main ways in which they have been combined. The first two accounts locate the basis of democracy within a legal Constitution that embodies democratic values that limit and define actual democratic processes. In the first account, the Constitution constrains the outcomes of democracy; in the second the Constitution enables the ...
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Reforming the European Union: Realizing the Impossible. By Finke Daniel, König Thomas, Proksch Sven-Oliver, and Tsebelis George. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012. 248p. $80.00 cloth, $35.00 paper.The Crisis of the European Union: A Response. By Habermas Jürgen. New York: Polity, 2012. ...more
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This book gathers together fifteen classic essays by leading scholar Richard Bellamy, tracing the history of Italian political thought from Beccaria to Bobbio. Written over the past 25 years, they constitute the first account in English... more
This book gathers together fifteen classic essays by leading scholar Richard Bellamy, tracing the history of Italian political thought from Beccaria to Bobbio. Written over the past 25 years, they constitute the first account in English of the modern Italian political tradition. The author pays special attention to the different ways Italian theorists have linked politics and ethics, and their various conceptions of the state and of democracy. The resulting variations on Machiavellian themes gave rise to distinctively Italian understandings of Liberalism, Marxism, Fascism and Socialism, which were all associated with a peculiarly realist account of democracy.
Among the thinkers discussed are Cesare Beccaria, Antonio Genovesi, Giuseppe Mazzini, Benedetto Croce, Giovanni Gentile, Antonio Gramsci, Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca and Norberto Bobbio.
‘In advancing the tantalising claims that the Italians invented modern politics as well as one of the most important political traditions we have for understanding it, this book is sure to entice and provoke. Richard Bellamy shows how the diverse titular thinkers thought through problems of force and consent, morality and utility, mass movements and democracy, the social role of critical intellectuals, and the critical and utopian dimensions of liberalism and socialism. An important book by one of our most sophisticated observers of contemporary politics.’
Walter L Adamson
Dobbs Professor of History, Emory University
‘This is a brilliant and much-needed book on the history of political ideas in modern Italy. An excellent text both for students of Italy’s political thought, and for scholars of democratic theory.’
Nadia Urbinati
Kyriakos Tsakopoulos Professor of Political Theory and Hellenic Studies, Columbia University
‘Admirably combining conceptual and historical analysis, these essays offer imaginative interpretations of important Italian thinkers, and remind us that Bellamy’s world-class contribution in this field has been inspired by his sustained engagement with the premises and principles of liberalism. While specialists in Italian thought will be grateful to ECPR Press for gathering these essays in a single volume, Bellamy’s clear, elegant arguments will interest all students of political theory.’
Joseph V Femia
Emeritus Professor of Political Theory, University of Liverpool
Among the thinkers discussed are Cesare Beccaria, Antonio Genovesi, Giuseppe Mazzini, Benedetto Croce, Giovanni Gentile, Antonio Gramsci, Vilfredo Pareto, Gaetano Mosca and Norberto Bobbio.
‘In advancing the tantalising claims that the Italians invented modern politics as well as one of the most important political traditions we have for understanding it, this book is sure to entice and provoke. Richard Bellamy shows how the diverse titular thinkers thought through problems of force and consent, morality and utility, mass movements and democracy, the social role of critical intellectuals, and the critical and utopian dimensions of liberalism and socialism. An important book by one of our most sophisticated observers of contemporary politics.’
Walter L Adamson
Dobbs Professor of History, Emory University
‘This is a brilliant and much-needed book on the history of political ideas in modern Italy. An excellent text both for students of Italy’s political thought, and for scholars of democratic theory.’
Nadia Urbinati
Kyriakos Tsakopoulos Professor of Political Theory and Hellenic Studies, Columbia University
‘Admirably combining conceptual and historical analysis, these essays offer imaginative interpretations of important Italian thinkers, and remind us that Bellamy’s world-class contribution in this field has been inspired by his sustained engagement with the premises and principles of liberalism. While specialists in Italian thought will be grateful to ECPR Press for gathering these essays in a single volume, Bellamy’s clear, elegant arguments will interest all students of political theory.’
Joseph V Femia
Emeritus Professor of Political Theory, University of Liverpool
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NB This is a pre-print - prior to refereeing and revision. Combining international political theory and EU studies, Richard Bellamy provides an original account of the democratic legitimacy of international organisations. He proposes a... more
NB This is a pre-print - prior to refereeing and revision. Combining international political theory and EU studies, Richard Bellamy provides an original account of the democratic legitimacy of international organisations. He proposes a new interpretation of the EU's democratic failings and how they might be addressed. Drawing on the republican theory of freedom as non-domination, Bellamy proposes a way to combine national popular sovereignty with the pursuit of fair and equitable relations of non-domination among states and their citizens. Applying this approach to the EU, Bellamy shows that its democratic failings lie not with the democratic deficit at the EU level but with a democratic disconnect at the member state level. Rather than shifting democratic authority to the European Parliament, this book argues that the EU needs to reconnect with the different 'demoi' of the member states by empowering national parliaments in the EU policy-making process.
Research Interests: Political Philosophy, European integration, European Law, Political Theory, Democratic Theory, and 14 moreRepublicanism, Cosmopolitanism, Global Justice, European Union Citizenship, European Union citizenship (Political Science), European Union, European Union Law, International Law and Global Justice (in Law/International Law), Statism, European Union Politics, Citizenship, Cosmopolitan Democracy, Global democracy, and Eurozone
... Political constitucionalism.: A republican defence of the constitutionality of democracy. Información General. Autores: Richard Bellamy; Editores: Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007; Año de publicación: 2007; País: España;... more
... Political constitucionalism.: A republican defence of the constitutionality of democracy. Información General. Autores: Richard Bellamy; Editores: Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007; Año de publicación: 2007; País: España; Idioma: Español. Fundación Dialnet. ...
Can democracy provide a path to socialism? Can civil rights and democratic institutions be protected and developed in a socialist society? Does our view of the nature and value of democracy affect our understanding of socialism itself? In... more
Can democracy provide a path to socialism? Can civil rights and democratic institutions be protected and developed in a socialist society? Does our view of the nature and value of democracy affect our understanding of socialism itself? In a world with regimes which ...
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... PART II Structures and processes 103 7 An agenda for democratization: democratization at the international level 105 BOUTROS BOUTROS-GHALI 8 The United Nations as an agency of global democracy 125 DANIELE ARCHIBUGI, SVEVA BALDUINI AND... more
... PART II Structures and processes 103 7 An agenda for democratization: democratization at the international level 105 BOUTROS BOUTROS-GHALI 8 The United Nations as an agency of global democracy 125 DANIELE ARCHIBUGI, SVEVA BALDUINI AND MARCO DONATI 9 ...
CAMBRIDGE TEXTS IN THE HISTORY OF POLITICAL THOUGHT Series editors RAYMOND GEUSS Lecturer in Social and Political Sciences, University of Cambridge QUENTIN SKINNER Professor of Political Science in the University of Cambridge Cambridge... more
CAMBRIDGE TEXTS IN THE HISTORY OF POLITICAL THOUGHT Series editors RAYMOND GEUSS Lecturer in Social and Political Sciences, University of Cambridge QUENTIN SKINNER Professor of Political Science in the University of Cambridge Cambridge Texts in the ...
... BECCARIA On Crimes and Punishments and Other Writings EDITED BY RICHARD BELLAMY University of East Anglia AND TRANSLATED BY RICHARD DAVIES Instituto di Anglistica, University of Bergamo WITH VIRGINIA COX University of Cambridge AND... more
... BECCARIA On Crimes and Punishments and Other Writings EDITED BY RICHARD BELLAMY University of East Anglia AND TRANSLATED BY RICHARD DAVIES Instituto di Anglistica, University of Bergamo WITH VIRGINIA COX University of Cambridge AND RICHARD ...
Page 1. NORBERTO BOBBIO FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY Translated by Roger Griffin Edited by Richard Bellamy Page 2. Page 3. The Future of Democracy Thi s One 1RZW-TRQ-UJX2 Page 4. Page 5. NORBERTO BOBBIO The ...
... for taking time off from teaching and research in physics at Pisa University and ... centralized government, somewhat inconsistently combined with a commitment to free trade and balanced ... lack of party organization and the... more
... for taking time off from teaching and research in physics at Pisa University and ... centralized government, somewhat inconsistently combined with a commitment to free trade and balanced ... lack of party organization and the relations between national and local politics, the descent ...
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UCL logo UCL Discovery. ...
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Pintet A Continuum Imprint Wellington House, 125 Strand, London WC2R OBB 370 Lexington Avenue, New York, NY 10017-6550 First published 2000 © Richard Bellamy 2000 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or... more
Pintet A Continuum Imprint Wellington House, 125 Strand, London WC2R OBB 370 Lexington Avenue, New York, NY 10017-6550 First published 2000 © Richard Bellamy 2000 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by ...
Page 1. GRAMSCI and the Italian State Richard Bellamy and Darrow Schecter Page 2. ■ ... Page 7. Gramsci and the Italian State Richard Bellamy and Darrow Schecter Manchester University Press Manchester and New York Distributed exclusively... more
Page 1. GRAMSCI and the Italian State Richard Bellamy and Darrow Schecter Page 2. ■ ... Page 7. Gramsci and the Italian State Richard Bellamy and Darrow Schecter Manchester University Press Manchester and New York Distributed exclusively in the USA and Canada by St. ...
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... Liberalism and modern society: A historical argument. Post a Comment. CONTRIBUTORS: ... VOLUME/EDITION: PAGES (INTRO/BODY): x, 310 p. SUBJECT(S): Liberalism; History; Europe. DISCIPLINE: No discipline assigned. LC NUMBER: HM276 .B39... more
... Liberalism and modern society: A historical argument. Post a Comment. CONTRIBUTORS: ... VOLUME/EDITION: PAGES (INTRO/BODY): x, 310 p. SUBJECT(S): Liberalism; History; Europe. DISCIPLINE: No discipline assigned. LC NUMBER: HM276 .B39 1992. HTTP: ...
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... LINGUISTICS PeterMatthews LITERARY THEORY Jonathan Culler LOCKE John Dunn LOGIC Graham Priest MACHIAVELLI Quentin Skinner THE ... University Press, particularly James Thompson for hassling me to complete the book, Andrea Keegan – the... more
... LINGUISTICS PeterMatthews LITERARY THEORY Jonathan Culler LOCKE John Dunn LOGIC Graham Priest MACHIAVELLI Quentin Skinner THE ... University Press, particularly James Thompson for hassling me to complete the book, Andrea Keegan – the commissioning editor ...
... Autor: Bellamy, Richard. Título: Liberalismo e sociedade moderna. P. imprenta: Sao Paulo. ... 467 p. Serie: Biblioteca basica. Descriptores: CIVILIZACAO MODERNA; LIBERALISMO; HISTORIA; INGLATERRA; FRANCA; ITALIA; ALEMANHA; EUROPA;... more
... Autor: Bellamy, Richard. Título: Liberalismo e sociedade moderna. P. imprenta: Sao Paulo. ... 467 p. Serie: Biblioteca basica. Descriptores: CIVILIZACAO MODERNA; LIBERALISMO; HISTORIA; INGLATERRA; FRANCA; ITALIA; ALEMANHA; EUROPA; SOCIEDADE. ...
Edited by Richard Bellamy and Andrew Mason, a group of distinguished political theorists survey the main political concepts: 1 Liberty Ian Carter 4 2 Rights: their basis and limits Catriona McKinnon 16 3 Social justice: the place of equal... more
Edited by Richard Bellamy and Andrew Mason, a group of distinguished political theorists survey the main political concepts:
1 Liberty Ian Carter 4
2 Rights: their basis and limits Catriona McKinnon 16
3 Social justice: the place of equal opportunity Andrew Mason 28
4 Political obligation Rex Martin 41
5 Nationalism and the state Ciarán O’Kelly 52
6 Crime and punishment Emilio Santoro 65
7 Welfare and social exclusion Bill Jordan 77
8 Legitimacy Alan Cromartie 93
9 Democracy David Owen 105
10 The rule of law Richard Bellamy 118
11 Public and private Judith Squires 131
12 Community: individuals acting together Keith Graham 145
13 Multiculturalism Jonathan Seglow 156
14 Gender Terrell Carver 169
15 Green political theory Andrew Vincent 182
16 International justice David Boucher 196
17 Just war Anthony Coates 211
1 Liberty Ian Carter 4
2 Rights: their basis and limits Catriona McKinnon 16
3 Social justice: the place of equal opportunity Andrew Mason 28
4 Political obligation Rex Martin 41
5 Nationalism and the state Ciarán O’Kelly 52
6 Crime and punishment Emilio Santoro 65
7 Welfare and social exclusion Bill Jordan 77
8 Legitimacy Alan Cromartie 93
9 Democracy David Owen 105
10 The rule of law Richard Bellamy 118
11 Public and private Judith Squires 131
12 Community: individuals acting together Keith Graham 145
13 Multiculturalism Jonathan Seglow 156
14 Gender Terrell Carver 169
15 Green political theory Andrew Vincent 182
16 International justice David Boucher 196
17 Just war Anthony Coates 211
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The normative appraisal of public policy – both the process of policy-making and the substance of the policies themselves – is becoming ever more salient for politicians, public officials, citizens and the academics who study them. On the... more
The normative appraisal of public policy – both the process of policy-making and the substance of the policies themselves – is becoming ever more salient for politicians, public officials, citizens and the academics who study them. On the one hand, the wider population is better informed than ever before of the activities of those that govern them and the consequences of their decisions. As societies have become more wealthy, so the expectations of citizens have grown and with it their tendency to criticise those who work on their behalf. On the other hand, though committed to the ideal of democracy, these same citizens have become ever more disillusioned with its actual working as a means for holding politicians and bureaucrats to account. In part, that disillusionment reflects the shift from government to governance both within and beyond the state, which has weakened or dispersed in complex ways the responsibility of politicians for many key areas of public policy. In part, it also reflects the desire for citizens for more individually tailored and particularistic forms of accountability that address their specific concerns rather than those of the collective welfare. As a result, a whole new machinery for standard setting and monitoring political behaviour has developed. The purpose of this series is to explore and assess the normative implications of this development, appraising the efficacy and legitimacy of the procedures and mechanisms used, and the outcomes they aim to achieve
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Research Interests: Philosophy and Utilitas
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Croce was neither a political philosopher nor a practising politician per se and, in spite of being frequently drawn into the political limelight, always stressed that he was a scholar and thinker above all. Yet he saw his scholarship as... more
Croce was neither a political philosopher nor a practising politician per se and, in spite of being frequently drawn into the political limelight, always stressed that he was a scholar and thinker above all. Yet he saw his scholarship as a civic duty 'political in its own way within its proper sphere.' The political role of his philosophy has, however, given rise to a variety of interpretations, being seen in the different guises of the philosophic defence of the Giolittian era, the
originator of fascist doctrine, the guiding spirit of liberty under Mussolini and the midwife of Italian communism.3 More recently, the historicist form he gave his thought, stemming as it does from Hegelian idealism, has come to be regarded as the very antithesis of the liberalism that he espoused. A better understanding
of Croce's conception of philosophy and its relation to politics
would therefore seem to be called for if some sense is to be made of these discordant images of his role in the ideological debates of modern Italy.
originator of fascist doctrine, the guiding spirit of liberty under Mussolini and the midwife of Italian communism.3 More recently, the historicist form he gave his thought, stemming as it does from Hegelian idealism, has come to be regarded as the very antithesis of the liberalism that he espoused. A better understanding
of Croce's conception of philosophy and its relation to politics
would therefore seem to be called for if some sense is to be made of these discordant images of his role in the ideological debates of modern Italy.